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Obviously the practice of karma-yoga as opposed to karma-yoga itself ; has to lean or depend upon either bhakti or jnana. karma-yoga in its purest sense is self-realisation, which is the goal of any yoga, but the fact is that our day to day life of karma-yoga is not perfect karma-yoga but only an attempt at it. whereas it was usually believed that karma-yoga could be practised independently even as a preliminary to bhakti or raja-yoga, it was gurudev who pointed out that even to practise karma-yoga you need some idea of bhakti or jnana. the orthodox viewpoint was that we all suffered from a three-fold problem--mala, vikshepa and avarana. mala is impurity--of heart, mind, habits, tendencies and samskaras. unless the impurity is completely removed, spiritual progress is impossible. once the impurity has been removed through karma-yoga, then you tackle vikshepa restlessness of the mind ; . for that, bhakti-yoga and raja-yoga were prescribed. when the impurities are gone, when the heart and the mind are pure and steady, then you can engage yourself in jnana for the removal of the veil of ignorance, avarana. in that context karma-yoga merely meant performing scripturally ordained routine functions i don't want even to call them duties ; . the whole day was packed with rituals from 4 o'clock in the morning till l0 in the night. when that is done without selfish motivation--not even the motivation of going to heaven--it purifies your heart. the other type of karma-yoga that we have been talking about that of the bhagavad-gita ; must necessarily have bhakti or jnana as its basis, because certainly in the beginning of our spiritual career whenever you do something--even sit and meditate, do one maala of japa, or do some seva or service ; to your fellow-man or to the guru--you might find that it is extremely difficult not to think of a motivation. the mind begins to ask "why i doing this?" even if you refuse to provide an answer, the answer is provided by the mind itself. it may even say, "i practising karma-yoga"--which indirectly means that i want to attain enlightenment. even when i wash your clothes just one day in a karma-yoga spirit, i tell myself "i'm getting rid of all the miseries of samsara and gaining eternal bliss." but that is also a motivation, and therefore there is no karma-yoga. hence one has to bring in bhakti or jnana. bhakti is simpler. swamiji had an extraordinary trait, that of bringing together what might even appear contradictory. he was willing to add on, not to drop anything out. i can give you a very funny side of this story which relates to his daily habits. normally we have thirty-two teeth, but i think that he had a few more than thirty-two. he had lumbago, diabetes and rheumatism and every specialist who came to see him suggested that many of these troubles might have been due to some kind of toxins collecting in the teeth, and said that they would like to clean them. swamiji refused; he insisted that nothing should be removed, but he agreed to add hydrogen peroxide to his `care of-the-teeth' routine. then a nature cure specialist came along. he also had the same diagnosis but said that swamiji should use salt and mustard oil. salt and mustard oil were added. then somebody else said that he should use crushed charcoal. that also was added. and then finally someone suggested this toothpowder that we manufacture now. not only did he adopt it as his toothpowder, but he also had it manufactured for distribution to everybody. "what is good for me is good for all." then the simple thing of brushing his teeth took about ten to fifteen minutes in the morning and it was a big ritual--first this, and then this and then that and then this. even so, the kirtan with which we start satsanga began to grow. first it was jaya ganesha, jaya guru adi-guru and hare rama, then.
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Highly motivated to succeed in this lie, because they thought our experiment offered them the opportunity to develop a skill they would need to use when confronting just such upsetting scenes in their future work. in another of our scenarios, the subjects had a chance to take and keep if they could convince the interrogator they' had not taken the money. those subjects who did not take the money could earn if the interrogator believed them when they' said they had not taken the . in our last scenario, we first identified the social issues the subjects felt most strongly about, and then asked them to describe that opinion honestly and earn if believed ; or claim to have the opposite of their true opinion and earn if believed ; . in our most recent work we gave some of our subjects the choice as to whether to lie or tell the truth, as people have in real life. there are many reasons why some people choose not to lie, one of which is their own knowledge, based on past experience, that they are almost always caught. including in the sample of liars such terrible liars, people who would not choose to lie unless forced to do so the experimenter, could inflate the detection rate. in virtually all previous research, on either interpersonal deception or polygraph lie detection, subjects were not given the choice as to whether to lie or be truthful. one exception is the study of the polygraph by ginton, daie, elaad, and ben-shakhar 1982 ; , in which they were able to know which policemen had cheated on a test for eligibility for promotion; stiff, corman, knizek, and snider 1994 ; in a similar fashion knew which students cheated on a quiz. bradley 1988 ; also allowed subjects to choose whether to lie or tell the truth in a polygraph study. another unique feature of our recent experiments is that we told the subjects that they would be punished, and it was a considerable punishment, if the interrogator judged them to be lying. both the truthful person mistakenly judged to be lying and the liar who was detected would receive the same punishment. thus, for the first time in research on lying, both the truthful person and the liar might be afraid--of being disbelieved if telling the truth, of being caught if lying. if it is only the liar who might be afraid of being accused of lying, it is too easy' for the lie catcher and not relevant to most of real life. and if neither liar nor the truthful person fear punishment, it should have little relevance to the lies that occur in the criminal justice world or in national security, let alone in marital disputes, parent-child conflicts, and so on. although our recent experiments can claim to have more ecological validity than our older studies, or than most of the literature on either interpersonal deceit or polygraph lie detection, the findings about detectability were not much different. most of those who saw the videotapes and made their judgments operated at a chance level or only slightly better than chance. before proceeding to consider why people do so poorly as lie-catchers, let us consider some limitations of our research which could have led us to underestimate the ability to detect lies from demeanor. for the most part, the observers who judged who was lying and who was telling the truth had no vital interest at stake in achieving accuracy. they were not offered higher pay if they were more accurate. and catching liars was not intrinsically rewarding, for most of these people did not make a living catching liars. this limitation was addressed in our ekman and o'sullivan, 1991 ; study and work by other research groups kraut and poe, 1980; depaulo and pfeifer, 1986 ; which did study professionals concerned with catching liars. we found that customs officials, policemen, trial court judges, f.b.i., c.i.a., b.a.t.f., d.e.a., forensic.
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